Donald trump et joseph kabila interview

The first is France. France, I suspect, was nervous that if the Congolese people manage to push Kabila out that wind will blow westward across the Congo River to Brazzaville, and then across the French-speaking West Africa, where almost every president, with the exception of one or two, is a dictator clinging to power by force. From east of Lake Kivu to the west of the Congo River, Congo is circled by dictators clinging to power by force.

However, the question of whether or not Kabila will survive the ongoing protests as president is still unanswered. We do not know how many people his security forces would have to kill or imprison for him to cling to power and what sort of a country he would be ruling over if he does. We also do not know, if Kabila is eventually pushed out, what form this ousting will take, and how many of his family and friends or how much of their huge fortune they would lose in the process.

The US echoed the denunciation. But it shocked veteran diplomats and rank-and-file State Department officials who had crafted the initial policy. And it put an end to the international coalition that was forming to examine the election. The State Department declined to answer questions for this story. The opinions in the State Department are so biased against the DRC and the Kabila regime, and we brought an argument showing them the process of how the election was being done.

When the history of the Trump administration is written, much will be made of the president undermining democracy at home. But as the Congo episode shows, he also did so abroad. Mer says it is no longer doing lobbying in Washington. But it has left its mark, there and in Congo. Though the vast majority of voters cast their ballots for a regime change, the fate of their country was decided by powerful interests negotiating behind closed doors.

The US gave its blessing and millions in foreign aid, Kabila kept a large share of his power, and the company at the center of the arrangement walked away richer. He had become president in after his father, Laurent Kabila, was assassinated in the presidential palace. These changes benefited Kabila and his allies immensely. Kickbacks were standard, according to international observers and businesspeople who have worked in Congo.

By , he and his siblings owned shares in at least 70 companies that collectively brought them hundreds of millions of dollars in revenue, according to a Bloomberg investigation. Through his lawyer, Gertler declined to comment but said his business dealings were always above board. On most health metrics, from infant mortality to malnutrition, Congo languished near the bottom of global rankings.

But it lacked the technology to intercept phone calls, track the movement of protesters, and remotely monitor opposition leaders. Its work in Congo was part of an ambitious expansion by a company that began as an Israeli metal shop shortly after World War II. By , Mer was a conglomerate with offices in 30 countries, mostly in Latin America and Africa.

It managed event security for the Olympics in Athens, installed citywide surveillance cameras in Buenos Aires, sold data mining software to local law enforcement agencies across Mexico, and built the emergency radio network for One World Trade Center in New York City. In , the Chinese telecom giant Huawei donated a cellular network — along with an interception system able to eavesdrop on nearly any mobile phone call made within the country, according to the security technician and an agent with the Republican Guard, the presidential security service.

Donald trump et joseph kabila interview

In March , after escaping a police raid at a meeting with other anti-Kabila activists, Sylvain Saluseke was spending a cold, damp night at a safe house in Kinshasa when his cellphone rang. The man on the line identified himself as an agent with the ANR, Saluseke said. Saluseke decided to turn himself in to protect those who were with him.

He walked to the ANR headquarters, an eight-story red-and-yellow stone fortress flanked by a row of palm trees and a steel antenna that rises more than feet. There, he said, he was shown a thick stack of papers — call logs and text message transcripts spanning at least a month. After 38 days in an overcrowded cinderblock cell, Saluseke said, he was released without charges but given an order to check in at the ANR headquarters three times a week.

But throughout that year, it became clear that he had other ideas. In April, authorities jailed 21 friends and relatives of opposition leaders, and fires broke out at the headquarters of two opposition parties. Then, in September, the government said it was indefinitely postponing the election. Demonstrators filled the streets of Kinshasa as security forces moved in.

Police opened fire and distributed machetes to about plainclothes mercenaries paid to disrupt the gatherings, according to findings from the United Nations. Some protesters lit fires in an attempt to block police attacks; in the chaos of the clashes, witnesses said they saw officers throw people into the flames. When protesters tried to regroup, authorities were always one step ahead, thanks to surveillance cameras and on-the-ground spies, activists told BuzzFeed News.

The unrest persisted for four days. During that time, Congo security forces shot, hacked, beat, and burned to death at least 54 civilians, and detained or injured around more, UN investigators later found. On Dec. When midnight struck, the sounds of horns, whistles, shouts, and banging pots echoed across Kinshasa. Sign out. Return to homepage.

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